By Janet Elise Johnson, Jean C. Robinson
How has the cave in of communism throughout Europe and Eurasia replaced gender? as well as acknowledging the massive charges that fell seriously on ladies, residing Gender after Communism means that relocating clear of communism in Europe and Eurasia has supplied a chance for gender to multiply, from forms of neo-traditionalism to feminisms, from overt negotiation of femininity to denials of gender. This development,in flip, has enabled a few ladies within the area to build their very own gendered identities for his or her personal political, financial, or social reasons. starting with an knowing of gender as either a society-wide establishment that regulates people's lives and a cultural "toolkit" which contributors and teams might use to subvert or "transvalue" the sex/gender process, the participants to this quantity offer certain case stories from Belarus, Bosnia, the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Ukraine. This collaboration among younger students -- such a lot from postcommunist states -- and specialists within the fields of gender reports and postcommunism combines intimate wisdom of the realm with subtle gender research to ascertain simply how a lot gender realities have shifted within the region.Contributors are Anna Brzozowska, Karen Dawisha, Nanette Funk, Ewa Grigar, Azra Hromadzic, Janet Elise Johnson, Anne-Marie Kramer, Tania Rands Lyon, Jean C. Robinson, Iulia Shevchenko, Svitlana Taraban, and Shannon Woodcock.
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Additional info for Living Gender After Communism
Whilst women may . . 20 These ‘‘unsettled times’’ of transition in Russia are forcing conversations and ﬂexibility about gender roles that weren’t possible a generation ago. As Johnson and Robinson write in their introduction to this volume, postcommunism has allowed for gender roles to multiply and for individuals to negotiate gender roles more freely. My evidence suggests that the gendered realities of family roles rarely match the patriarchal fantasies of the dominant gender discourse. This lack of cultural consensus on appropriate gender roles is reﬂected in my ﬁnding that both men and women respondents contradict themselves within interviews and that their responses to survey questions are often inconsistent with other conversations and with their actual behaviors and choices.
For example, see media articles: Alessandra Stanley, ‘‘Video Valentines to Russia, Seeking Patient Brides,’’ New York Times, February 14, 1997; Alessandra Stanley, ‘‘Democracy in Russia: Women’s Lib Is Just Cosmetic,’’ New York Times, May 11, 1997; and Mike Trickey, ‘‘Russia: Women marrying western men to escape hard times at home,’’ The Ottawa Citizen, July 3, 1995, C12. See also an academic analysis: Rebecca Kay, ‘‘Images of an Ideal Woman: Perceptions of Russian Womanhood through the Media, Education and Women’s Own Eyes,’’ in Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, ed.
The Construction of Womanhood in Soviet Culture under Glasnost,’’ in Late Soviet Culture: From Perestroika to Novostroika, ed. : Duke University Press, 1993), 237. 3. Einhorn, ‘‘Ironies of History,’’ 227. 4. Irina Tartakovskaya, ‘‘The Changing Representation of Gender Roles in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Press,’’ in Gender, State and Society in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia, ed. Sarah Ashwin (New York: Routledge, 2000). 37 Tania Rands Lyon 5. , Women in Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 302.