By Henning Melber

The essays during this quantity concentration totally on the constructing political contradiction in southern Africa, represented via the truth that events like SWAPO and ZANU, which spearheaded mass renowned struggles for liberation from colonial rule, have in energy built into authoritarian, undemocratic, and more and more corrupt ruling regimes. as well as the essays on Namibia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, and Botswana, different works integrated think about the potential street forward for South Africa by way of democratic consolidation in the emerging stress among civil society firms and the ANC executive, with its transparent tendency towards the expanding centralization of its strength and authority. Edited via former SWAPO member Henning Melber, its members comprise Kenneth stable, Suzanne Dansereau, and Amin Kamete (Zimbabwe); Ian Taylor and Francis B. Nyamnjoh (Botswana); Roger Southhall (Lesotho); Henning Melber (Namibia); Martin Legassick, Raymond Suther, and Krista Johnson (South Africa).

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They constituted, he said, 30 “fundamental weapon[s] of our struggle” (see Good 2002a:177–8). The UDF, and COSATU to a lesser extent, faced enemies on two fronts. The most obvious in the 1980s was heavy state repression. za DEMOCRACY AND THE CONTROL OF ELITES in 1985–86 saw the detention of about 8 000 activists, and in the second in 1986–87, over 25 000 were detained. An identified core of active leaders, approximately 200 nationally, were held for prolonged periods. Others were kidnapped, assassinated or disappeared.

5 billion from state coffers while in power (Donaldson 2002a, 2002b). Profligacy characterised Chiluba’s government. Like his predecessor, President Chiluba left State House a wealthier man, and Zambia a poorer nation (Games 12 2001; Donaldson 2002a, 2002b). 13 President Bakili Muluzi presided over a corrupt and mismanaged government in Malawi and, towards 14 mid-2002, appeared to be embarked on a rerun of the Chiluba scenario. Elected in 1994 as successor to President-for-Life Hastings Kamuzu Banda, narrowly re-elected in 1999, he was constitutionally required to step down in 2004.

Recall the election of President Obasanjo which returned Nigeria to democracy in 1999: some 50 million people were believed eligible to vote; turnout in Nigeria has usually been low, and a 40 per cent vote was thought high. But in 1999 nearly 30 million ballots were said to have been counted, for a participation rate of 60 per cent, and the gap between the winner and loser was seven million votes. The only arithmetical conclusion was that about “half the votes counted ... must have been fakes” (Elizabeth Blunt, noted in Good 2002a:7).

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