By Julia A. Hendon

In homes in a panorama, Julia A. Hendon examines the connections among social id and social reminiscence utilizing archaeological learn on indigenous societies that existed multiple thousand years in the past in what's now Honduras. whereas those societies left at the back of enormous structures, the is still in their useless, remnants in their everyday life, problematic artworks, and high quality examples of workmanship similar to pottery and stone instruments, they left just a small physique of written documents. regardless of this paucity of written info, Hendon contends that an archaeological research of reminiscence in such societies is feasible and worthy. it's attainable simply because reminiscence is not only a college of the person brain working in isolation, yet a social strategy embedded within the materiality of human lifestyles. in detail certain up within the family members humans increase with each other and with the area round them via what they do, the place and the way they do it, and with whom or what, reminiscence leaves fabric traces.Hendon performed examine on 3 contemporaneous local American civilizations that flourished from the 7th century during the 11th CE: the Maya country of Copan, the hilltop middle of Cerro Palenque, and the dispersed payment of the Cuyumapa valley. She analyzes household existence in those societies, from cooking to crafting, in addition to private and non-private ritual occasions together with the ballgame. Combining her findings with a wealthy physique of thought from anthropology, heritage, and geography, she explores how objects—the issues humans construct, make, use, trade, and discard—help humans keep in mind. In so doing, she demonstrates how lifestyle turns into a part of the social tactics of remembering and forgetting, and the way “memory groups” assert connections among the previous and the current.

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This period is prior to the founding of royal rule in the fifth century ce (Martin and Grube 2000). Such durable histories and long periods of occupation exist in domestic settings as well, especially in the urban area. The implications of Map 3. The Main Group, Copan. Courtesy of the Instituto Hondureño de Antropología e Historia, redrawn from Fash and Long 1983:Map 12. 38 CHAPTER ONE duration for the development and perseverance of memory communities are explored in chapter 3. Spaces like the Main Group are closely connected to the e√ort on the part of some members of society to centralize and concentrate political authority in the hands of the few.

When first coined, these terms conveyed assumptions about cultural evolutionary development that have since been discarded by Mesoamerican scholars. For my purposes, the terms serve as convenient referents for the centuries under discussion when Copan, Cuyumapa, and Cerro Palenque attain their greatest size. They do not follow the same growth trajectory, however. Copan reaches its peak population in the eighth century, during the Late Classic, under the rule of a series of kings who see their centralized political control disintegrate between 800 and 850 ce, although people continue living there for several centu- 34 CHAPTER ONE ries afterward.

I have mentioned what could be considered to be di√erent kinds of memory, first individual and social, then intersubjective. In the following chapters I expand intersubjectivity to include embodied remembering and INTRODUCTION 29 relations with personlike objects. That di√erent ways of remembering and di√erent kinds of memory may be possible is explored as part of my discussion throughout the rest of the book. I have deliberately avoided presenting a typology of memory because such an approach tends to produce categories that must be treated as dichotomous and discrete in order to justify their di√erentiation.

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