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Extra resources for Herodotus Book II: Commentary 1-98 (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World)

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Why had the government’s repeated efforts to eliminate Zhejiangcun failed? To address these questions, I set out to understand how the migrants in Zhejiangcun had developed their (social) relationships— of which their economic activities were a part and not something imposed from outside—by adopting a perspective intrinsic to their everyday life and the resilience of their community ‘system’. ‘Community’, ‘ boundaries’, guanxi and xi Informed by my training in anthropology at Beijing University, I had started to undertake my fieldwork in Zhejiangcun in 1992 as an exercise in community research.

34 chapter one commune and brigade enterprises, or what became well known as the ‘Wenzhou supply and marketing army’ ( gongxiao dajun). Xu Junming from Xiyang village in Wuniu town, Yongjia county, is one of the oldest residents of Zhejiangcun. Already into his sixties and a spirited speaker, his migration experience began even before Liberation in 1949: I went to Shanghai in 1946 with a couple of uncles and someone else from our village—I was only 15 at the time. And just like the Jiangxi people who come here these days, I first went to work in a flourmill.

For example, under contracts concluded between the respective local governments or co-ops in the early 1970s, some people moved from Wenzhou to Gezhouba in Hubei province, where a large dam project was underway. Soon afterwards, they made private arrangements, purportedly on behalf of those same local agencies, for bringing in work teams that would have included individuals who had nothing whatsoever to do with the dam project, such as carpenters or tailors. The third type of migration experience, beginning in the early days of the Reform, was that of supply and marketing persons of rivalling factions in Yueqing in the early 1970s period of ‘violent struggle’ (wudou) during the Cultural Revolution.

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