By Brian Loveman

Protecting "la patria," or "homeland," is the historic project claimed through Latin American militia. For l. a. Patria is a entire narrative historical past of the military's political function in Latin the USA in nationwide security and safeguard. Latin American civil-military kinfolk and the function of the defense force in politics, like these of all sleek geographical regions, are framed via constitutional and felony norms specifying the formal relationships among the defense force and the remainder of society. really, also they are the results of expectancies, attitudes, values, and practices advanced over centuries-integral features of nationwide political cultures. army associations in each one Latin American country have resulted from that country's personal mix of neighborhood and imported affects, constructing a particular development of civil-military kin as defender of the place of origin and guarantor of safety and order. Written via Latin American expert Brian Loveman, For l. a. Patria contains tables, maps, images, and a thesaurus that would support the scholar in higher realizing the military's intervention in politics in Latin the USA. This new textual content will provide scholars an intensive and obtainable historical past of Latin American military and their activities in Latin American politics from colonial occasions to the current.

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After the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, wars and inspired political leadership forged some nations into nation-states; in the nineteenth century these became the basic components in international politics. When military officers referred to la patria they usually meant the nation-state, with associated (if disputed) territorial, cultural, and historical identities. Sometimes la patria was a "fatherland," other times a "motherland" (madre-patria), and still other times a biological metaphor for a precious mystical organism that required compliance from its human components.

20. In Latin American and Spain the term pronunciamiento is often used to indicate that the coup-makers have a legitimate motive for ousting the government, perhaps based on constitutional and statutory obligations to uphold the rule of law or prevent usurpation of authority, perhaps based on the threat to national interests or to immediate social, economic, and political crises. In this sense, coups may be perceived by their makers as legitimate, even obligatory, despite their apparent violation of requirements for usual government succession.

Endemic invocation and ostentatious practice of military guardianship are both a cause and the result of weak governments and weak civil societies. Contrarily, the evolution of strong political institutions and of deeply embedded social norms proscribing overt military intervention and insubordination increases the disposition of military officers to obey civilian officials. It also decreases their disposition to openly contest government decisions. 10 Over time, strong civilian institutions and effective government encourage transmission of norms in military schools and academies that emphasize narrower boundaries for "proper" military influence and action in public affairs.

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