By Bradley E. Ensor

By contextualizing periods and their kinship habit in the total political economic system, Crafting Prehispanic Maya Kinship presents an instance of ways archaeology may also help to give an explanation for the formation of disparate periods and kinship styles inside an historic state-level society.

Bradley E. Ensor presents a brand new theoretical contribution to Maya ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and archaeological examine. instead of working completely as a symbolic order unobservable to archaeologists, kinship, in keeping with Ensor, kinds concrete social kinfolk that constitution lifestyle and will be mirrored within the fabric is still of a society. Ensor argues that using cross-culturally pointed out and proven fabric signs of postmarital place of abode and descent staff association permit archaeologists—those with the main direct fabric proof on prehispanic Maya social organization—to overturn a standard reliance on competing and difficult ethnohistorical models.
Using fresh information from an arch aeological undertaking in the Chontalpa Maya quarter of Tabasco, Mexico, Ensor illustrates how archaeologists can interpret and clarify the variety of kinship habit and its impact on gender inside any given Maya social formation.

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Meanwhile, he interpreted the commoners’ marriage sys­tem as endogamous within the quadrants. More ethnographies and his­tori­cal documents on Maya regions were published in the 1950s and 1960s. In an influential article on patrilineal clan or­ ga­n i­za­t ion in a Nahuat community in Tlaxcala, Mexico, Nutini (1961:63– 66) also compiled the growing evidence for patrilineal descent groups in the 16th-­century Yucatán and Alta Verapaz regions, and in the 20th-­century Tzeltal-­Tzotzil area and Lacandonia.

Patrilocal households are property-­holding groups providing members with access to those resources. These households are formed through the practice of patrilocal postmarital residence, or patrilocality. Upon marriage, the couple moves into the husband’s household, which is his father’s household. Because his father likely had brothers, this is the same household as his paternal uncle(s): his father and paternal uncles also practiced patrilocality in the previous generation. Core adult working members of the patrilocal household include a set of biological brothers (sons of the father) and possibly another set of biological brothers (sons of the father’s brother), along with their wives who they bring to the household.

Fox 1987; Fox et al. 1992; Sanders 1992). Additionally, few studies can exclude presentation of the same normative information, rarely with new interpretations, from Fray Diego de Landa’s Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán and Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas’ Apologetica Historia. Even the antikinship house literature depends on the exact same sources of data that have been excessively presented and represented. As illustrated by the dashed boxes in Fig­ure 1, most of the data behind the non-­unilineal interpretations were published prior to the 1950s, whereas most of the patrilineal interpretations were based on new data published periodically through­ out the century.

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