By Joel Fetzer, J Christopher Soper

Responding to the “Asian values” debate over the compatibility of Confucianism and liberal democracy, Confucianism, Democratization, and Human Rights in Taiwan, via Joel S. Fetzer and J. Christopher Soper, bargains a rigorous, systematic research of the contributions of Confucian proposal to democratization and the security of ladies, indigenous peoples, and press freedom in Taiwan. depending upon a distinct mixture of empirical research of public opinion surveys, legislative debates, public university textbooks, and interviews with top Taiwanese political actors, this crucial research files the altering function of Confucianism in Taiwan’s fresh political background. whereas the ideology principally strengthened authoritarian rule some time past and performed little function in Taiwan’s democratization, the assumption method is now within the means of remodeling itself in a pro-democratic course. unlike those that argue that Confucianism is inherently authoritarian, the authors contend that Confucianism is able to a number of interpretations, together with ones that valid democratic varieties of govt. At either the mass and the elite degrees, Confucianism continues to be a robust ideology in Taiwan regardless of or perhaps a result of island’s democratization. Borrowing from Max Weber’s sociology of faith, the writers supply a particular theoretical argument for the way an ideology like Confucianism can concurrently accommodate itself to modernity and stay trustworthy to its center teachings because it decouples itself from the country. In doing so, Fetzer and Soper argue, Confucianism is behaving very similar to Catholicism, which moved from a place of ambivalence or perhaps competition to democracy to 1 of complete help. the result of this examine have profound implications for different Asian nations comparable to China and Singapore, that are additionally Confucian yet haven't but made a whole transition to democracy.

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Read in this light, Confucius’ comments seem more of a commentary on a sexist system of “domestic politics” than a wholesale critique of all women. 4. Though the English translation of the Chinese phrase “dajia gongzhi, heping gongsheng [⮶⹅␀㽊᧨✛㄂␀䞮]” describes the wording as “traditional Chinese political” thought, the original Chinese-language version of the manifesto contains only the phrase itself, without this descriptive tag. A fairly thorough search of the Chinese-language versions of the standard Confucian texts also failed to locate this Chinese expression.

I). Finally, in The Great Learning (x) Confucius suggests that bad, uncivilized people deserve to be punished by being exiled to live with barbarous tribes, who are presumably also uncivilized: “it is only the virtuous man who can send away such a [bad] man and banish him, driving him out among the barbarous tribes around, determined not to dwell along with him in the Middle Kingdom” (1971:378). Moreover, strong historical reasons exist for thinking that Confucianism would be inhospitable to the rights of indigenous people.

Unfortunately, the second wave of the Asian Barometer did not contain the same question on social hierarchies. We instead used the best available new question, on the authority of teachers. Moreover, this wave contained no hierarchy measure at all for South Korea. 4. Lee Kuan Yew (2000:488) himself contends that liberal democracy is not appropriate for his country because “Singapore [is] a Confucianist society which places the interests of the community above those of the individual” (no irony apparently intended).

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