By John E. Korasick

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Bruce Berman (1999), on the other hand, sees a paradox in Mau Mau, as the revolt was neither a nationalist agitation in the conventional sense of the term nor was it class-based revolution. Kenya-born historian, Wunyabari O. Maloba, in Mau Mau and Kenya: An Analysis of a Peasant Revolt (1993), views Mau Mau as a nationalist revolt. Bruce Berman and John Lonsdale, whose numerous works fall within the SMR categories of Mau Mau tertiary discourse, cannot decide whether it was a nationalist movement or not (Berman 1999, 199).

Her supporters and relatives are looking at the PS rather suspiciously. ” The body language and posture of the PS reveal the uncomfortable nature of the meeting. The neatly dressed PS is looking away from Mukami’s gaze as if intentionally avoiding eye contact. This particular meeting was the culmination of a strange debate over what to do with the Field Marshal’s body. On Kenyatta Day, 2000, a handful of people, most of them veterans of the Mau Mau revolt, and their contemporary followers demanded that Kenyatta Day be recognized as Mau Mau Day.

Guha 1988a, 70). In the Kenyan context and in reference to Mau Mau, the answer for this is easy enough. These historians have access to all the necessary materials to create the flavor of neutrality. But in the final analysis, with all this sympathy for Mau Mau and the Kikuyu community, these works sided with the colonial state and its need for maintaining law and order by crushing Mau Mau with all its might. In this way, history, according to Guha, became complementary to colonial public policy (Guha 1988a, 70).

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