By Elizabeth Schmidt

In September 1958, Guinea claimed its independence, rejecting a structure that might have relegated it to junior partnership within the French group. In all of the French empire, Guinea was once the one territory to vote "No." Orchestrating the "No" vote used to be the Guinean department of the Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA), an alliance of political events with associates in French West and Equatorial Africa and the United international locations trusts of Togo and Cameroon. even though Guinea's stance vis-a-vis the 1958 structure has been well-known as specific, previously the old roots of this phenomenon haven't been properly defined. essentially written and freed from jargon, "Cold battle and Decolonization in Guinea" argues that Guinea's vote for independence was once the end result of a decade-long fight among neighborhood militants and political leaders for keep watch over of the political schedule. seeing that 1950, whilst RDA representatives within the French parliament severed their ties to the French Communist get together, conservative parts had ruled the RDA. In Guinea, neighborhood cadres had antagonistic the holiday. Victimized via the management and sidelined via their very own leaders, they quietly rebuilt the celebration from the bottom. Leftist militants, their voices muted all through many of the decade, won preeminence in 1958, whilst alternate unionists, scholars, the party's women's and adolescence wings, and different grassroots actors driven the Guinean RDA to advise a "No" vote. therefore, Guinea's rejection of the proposed structure in prefer of rapid independence used to be no longer an remoted aberration. fairly, it used to be the result of years of political mobilization by way of activists who, regardless of chilly struggle repression, eventually driven the Guinean RDA to the left. the importance of this hugely unique publication, in response to formerly unexamined archival documents and oral interviews with grassroots activists, extends a ways past its basic topic. In illuminating the Guinean case, Elizabeth Schmidt is helping us comprehend the dynamics of decolonization and its legacy for postindependence nation-building in lots of elements of the constructing international. reading Guinean heritage from the ground up, Schmidt considers neighborhood politics in the better context of the chilly struggle, making her ebook compatible for classes in African historical past and politics, diplomatic background, and chilly warfare historical past.

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Additional resources for Cold War and Decolonization in Guinea, 1946-1958

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81 The second Constituent Assembly was far more conservative than the first. While communist support had remained relatively steady, the SFIO had lost ground both to the Left (the PCF) and the Right (the MRP). While some 1945–50 23 SFIO defectors had abandoned their party for the communist Left, the majority shared the anticommunist concerns of the Center and Right. Worried about rising communist influence and the deteriorating situation in Indochina, the mainstream of the SFIO, led by Overseas Minister Marius Moutet, caved in to conservative pressures and realigned itself with the MRP.

The first legislative elections took place on November 10, 1946, shortly after the conclusion of the Bamako congress. 112 Yacine Diallo, the administration’s favorite, won the first seat by a wide margin. Mamba Sano, Diallo’s rival in the Constituent Assembly elections, won the second seat. 113 Elections for the General Council were held on December 15, 1946, according to the old dual-college system. 114 It was heavily dominated by old-guard elites whose authority emanated from their collaboration with the colonial administration.

In the communist view, African emancipation could occur only within the framework of French governance. Like parties on the Right, the PCF believed that Africans were not ready for independence. From the communist perspective, Africans’ lack of experience would make them easy prey to American imperialism and international capitalism. Hence, the PCF maintained, African emancipation could come about only when the communist party came to power in France and overhauled the economy and the state to benefit the French working class and all colonized peoples.

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