By Vladimir Gel'man

Russia this present day represents one of many significant examples of the phenomenon of “electoral authoritarianism” that's characterised via adopting the trimmings of democratic associations (such as elections, political events, and a legislature) and enlisting the provider of the country’s basically authoritarian rulers. Why and the way has the electoral authoritarian regime been consolidated in Russia? What are the mechanisms of its upkeep, and what's its most likely destiny direction? This publication makes an attempt to respond to those easy questions.
Vladimir Gel’man examines regime switch in Russia from the cave in of the Soviet Union in 1991 to the current day, systematically offering theoretical and comparative views of the criteria that affected regime adjustments and the authoritarian flow of the rustic. After the autumn of the Soviet Union, Russia’s nationwide political elites aimed to accomplish their ambitions by means of developing and imposing of favorable “rules of the sport” for themselves and keeping casual profitable coalitions of cliques round person rulers. within the Nineteen Nineties, those strikes have been in simple terms in part winning given the weak spot of the Russian nation and afflicted post-socialist economic climate. within the 2000s, despite the fact that, Vladimir Putin rescued the process due to the mix of financial development and the revival of the kingdom skill he used to be in a position to enforce via enforcing a sequence of non-democratic reforms. within the 2010s, altering stipulations within the state have awarded new hazards and demanding situations for the Putin regime that would play themselves out within the years to come.

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On the other hand, none of the agency-driven mechanisms of democratization have ever worked in post-Soviet Russia (at least so far) and the developmental trajectory of regime 32 russia’s flight from freedom change has headed in the opposite direction. In terms of the four categories outlined above: (1) Mass participation and public involvement played, and continue to play, a negligible role in Russian politics after the Soviet collapse (the wave of mass protests in 2011–2012 was a rather minor rebellion, which did not alter this trend).

Empirical evidence on the antidemocratic inclinations of Russians is at least mixed, both empirically and methodologically. 18 Also, if one looks at recent experiences of successful democratization in various parts of the globe (ranging from Mongolia to Benin), where democratic values are even less rooted than in Russia, the very statement that the disease of antidemocratic past experience and present attitudes cannot be cured seems dubious. The major methodological deficiency of historical and cultural deterrussia’s flight from freedom 21 minism in analysis of the persistence of authoritarianism in Russia is its low discriminating power.

The lion’s share of votes and seats were designated in advance for the progovernmental party of power, United Russia. At the polling station where the leader of the Yabloko oppositional party, Sergei Mitrokhin, and his family had voted, United Russia received 904 out of 1,020 votes, and Yabloko received 0. 1 Although both episodes were widely covered by Internet media outlets, the Russian public remained largely uninterested in these cases, as well as many similar developments in electoral politics.

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