By Richard M. Mills

This paintings explores how Soviet analysts interpret American household politics and social activities by way of studying their solutions to such questions as: "Who principles America?" "How do those rulers remain in power?" and "How do the foremost sessions engage within the American social and political arenas?" generators demonstrates that, regardless of transforming into Soviet figuring out of the yankee political procedure and their expanding interpretive emphasis on elites instead of sessions, Soviet research is still restricted by way of an complicated "mindset" that resists amendment. An intimate examine Soviet political considering, this research additionally considers contemporary alterations, and the clients for the evolution of a extra sophisticated framework less than perestroika.

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The first omens of the general crisis were apparent before World War I, but it was the war that gave birth to the crisis. Competition among the monopolies on a world scale had led to war among the major capitalist nations. As a direct result of that war the world's first socialist state, the Soviet Union, came into being as a highly visible competitor and alternative to capitalism. The capitalist system itself grew weaker as a consequence of its internal problems manifested in the world depression of the 1920s and 1930s.

Similarly, in the theory of liberal democracy individuals had the right to participate in managing government through voting and were also guaranteed the inviolability of their person and residence. But in the nineteenth century those rights were exercised primarily by the bourgeoisie since the franchise was limited to property owners, and because few people in fact owned prop- 46 American Politics and ythe Soviet Mindset erty. The rights of freedom of speech, the press, conscience, and meeting were mere formalities for individuals who lacked the material means for exercising those rights fully (Shakhnazarov 1955).

How Liberal Democracy Developed Soviet analysts maintain that the fate of bourgeois democracy was naturally contingent upon the development of capitalism and the class structure peculiar to it. In particular, in the late nineteenth century, the bourgeoisie differentiated into the monopoly and nonmonopoly divisions with the monopoly faction—big business and big banks—exercising overwhelming political power. And as the twentieth century progressed the once independent small businessmen became increasingly dependent not only upon the faceless power of the financial oligarchy and large corporations but also upon the enormous federal bureaucracy, which coalesced with the monopolies.

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