By Ilja A. Luciak
"Gender equality and significant democratization are inextricably linked," writes Ilja Luciak. "The democratization of valuable the United States calls for the total incorporation of girls as electorate, applicants, and workplace holders." In After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, Luciak exhibits how former guerrilla ladies in 3 valuable American nations made the transition from insurgents to mainstream political avid gamers within the democratization process.
Examining the function of girls within the a number of phases of innovative and nationwide politics, Luciak starts with ladies as individuals and leaders in guerrilla pursuits. girls contributed drastically to the progressive fight in all 3 international locations, yet thereafter many similarities ended. In Guatemala, ideological disputes diminished women's political effectiveness at either the intra-party and nationwide degrees. In Nicaragua, even supposing women's rights grew to become a secondary factor for the innovative get together, ladies have been still in a position to placed the problem at the nationwide time table. In El Salvador, ladies took top roles within the innovative celebration and have been in a position to contain women's rights right into a vast reform time table. Luciak cautions that whereas energetic measures to boost the political function of girls have bolstered formal gender equality, purely the joint efforts of either sexes may end up in a profitable transformation of society in response to democratic governance and major gender equality.
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Extra info for After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala
It is obvious that in the eyes of the guerrillas themselves, the category of “combatant” was not limited to the arms-bearing ﬁghter. Instead, as in any other army in the world, it included males and females in support roles. Yet many academic sources discussing women’s participation in guerrilla movements distinguish between arms-bearing combatants and women in support roles. The latter group is considered part of the guerrilla membership but is not included in the estimates of the combatants. This artiﬁcial distinction tends to obscure and denigrate the important role played by women and men who provided logistical support.
31 As a combatant, Wilson continued her work in communications. An account of her years in the mountains depicts a challenging situation. Men and women were required to carry the same forty-pound backpacks with ammunition and also shared in traditionally female tasks such as food preparation. Men, however, dominated the command structures. “I didn’t know a single female commander of a column,” Wilson emphasized, although she maintained that women held lower-level command positions. ” Eventually a number of women assumed leadership positions.
The Guatemalan experience encompasses thirty-ﬁve years of struggle, and this had repercussions on the gender composition of the URNG. While female participation during the 1960s and 1970s was limited, it started to increase in the 1980s. There is no question that the Salvadoran conﬂict, with its strong incidence of female FMLN ﬁghters played a role in this development. In addition, the international context of the 1980s favored increased female participation. When the URNG signed the 1996 peace accords, the Guatemalan guerrilla movement was composed of four different groups: the Ejército Guer- 24 After the Revolution rillero de los Pobres (Guerrilla Army of the Poor, or EGP), the Organización Revolucionaria del Pueblo en Armas (Revolutionary Organization of Armed Citizens, or ORPA), the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (Revolutionary Armed Forces, or FAR), and the Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo (Guatemalan Workers’ Party, or PGT).