By Donald E. Ginter

Ginter specializes in the years 1780 to 1832, a interval for which many land tax files live on and accurately while smooth kinds of political association started to emerge and whilst industrialization and enclosure are concept to have altered the material of society and the economic system. via an exam of greater than 5,000 parishes in fifteen old counties -- nearly one-third of britain -- he exhibits that inequalities within the burden of nationwide taxation have been some distance more than someone has predicted. Having researched either neighborhood and nationwide taxation tactics, he finds that, at the eve of the nineteenth-century "Revolution in Government," the tenantry and yeomanry have been administratively way more self reliant of parliamentary statute and in their neighborhood gentry and magistracy than has formerly been urged. Drawing on proof from the 3 ridings of Yorkshire, he discloses different difficulties linked to the land tax duplicates. whereas Ginter argues that the land tax duplicates are totally insufficient for the learn of the fortunes of the small yeoman and that the literature in this topic has to be essentially reconsidered, he unearths a style that could reliably take advantage of the land tax duplicates as a systemic documentation. He contends that the whole capability for reports established centrally at the land tax has scarcely all started to be explored.

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Extra resources for A Measure of Wealth: The English Land Tax in Historical Analysis

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7 Some errors will remain, but they will be relatively few and have small statistical impact. But whatever the assumptions, it is essential that the procedures adopted and the reasons for their adoption be clearly and fully specified when the research is reported. A failure to report all procedures has been a leading deficiency in land tax studies to date and has almost certainly contributed to a lack of comparability. The problem is so severe that comparability often cannot be judged from the reports alone.

4 It is questionable whether such large tenant farmers should 17 Minor Problems find their way into counts of declining owner-occupiers. Owner-occupation was not their primary characteristic. Nor were they small holders, except (misleadingly) as proprietors. It is inevitable that landholding categories be employed in such studies, but the categories must be filled by line entry counts that take fully into account the complexities of the farming community. 5 Without elaborating any further examples, it is perhaps sufficiently clear that linking names within or between land tax duplicates poses procedural problems which are severe and which bear substantial consequences.

The "factory system," which had begun in England around 1785 (though he dates the broader revolution from 1760), was the result of a series of new technological inventions. The system was greatly expanded in the early nineteenth century as canal, road, and railroad infrastructures improved. New scales of demand created further incentives for centralization of production in factories. Structural change was thereby self-sustaining. Toynbee's treatment of the industrial revolution, in the form it has descended to us (as the posthumously published lecture notes of his students, and we all know how inadequate those can be), was essentially descriptive rather than analytical.

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