By Donald E. Ginter
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Extra resources for A Measure of Wealth: The English Land Tax in Historical Analysis
7 Some errors will remain, but they will be relatively few and have small statistical impact. But whatever the assumptions, it is essential that the procedures adopted and the reasons for their adoption be clearly and fully specified when the research is reported. A failure to report all procedures has been a leading deficiency in land tax studies to date and has almost certainly contributed to a lack of comparability. The problem is so severe that comparability often cannot be judged from the reports alone.
4 It is questionable whether such large tenant farmers should 17 Minor Problems find their way into counts of declining owner-occupiers. Owner-occupation was not their primary characteristic. Nor were they small holders, except (misleadingly) as proprietors. It is inevitable that landholding categories be employed in such studies, but the categories must be filled by line entry counts that take fully into account the complexities of the farming community. 5 Without elaborating any further examples, it is perhaps sufficiently clear that linking names within or between land tax duplicates poses procedural problems which are severe and which bear substantial consequences.
The "factory system," which had begun in England around 1785 (though he dates the broader revolution from 1760), was the result of a series of new technological inventions. The system was greatly expanded in the early nineteenth century as canal, road, and railroad infrastructures improved. New scales of demand created further incentives for centralization of production in factories. Structural change was thereby self-sustaining. Toynbee's treatment of the industrial revolution, in the form it has descended to us (as the posthumously published lecture notes of his students, and we all know how inadequate those can be), was essentially descriptive rather than analytical.